In June 2019, Mandiant Threat Intelligence href="https://advantage.mandiant.com/reports/19-00011465">first
reported to customers a pro-People’s Republic of China (PRC)
network of hundreds of inauthentic accounts on Twitter, Facebook, and
YouTube, that was at that time primarily focused on discrediting
pro-democracy protests in href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O87AYlIPSyI">Hong Kong.
Since then, the broader activity set has rapidly expanded in size and
scope and received widespread public attention following Twitter’s
takedown of related accounts in href="https://blog.twitter.com/en_us/topics/company/2019/information_operations_directed_at_Hong_Kong">August
2019. Numerous other researchers have published investigations
into various aspects of this activity set, including href="https://blog.google/threat-analysis-group/how-were-tackling-evolving-online-threats/">Google’s
Threat Analysis Group, href="https://public-assets.graphika.com/reports/graphika_report_spamouflage.pdf">Graphika,
the href="https://www.aspi.org.au/report/tweeting-through-great-firewall">Australian
Strategic Policy Institute, the href="https://fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/sio-china_story_white_paper-final.pdf">Stanford
Internet Observatory and the Hoover Institution, and the href="https://www.info-res.org/post/revealed-coordinated-attempt-to-push-pro-china-anti-western-narratives-on-social-media">Centre
for Information Resilience.
Since we began tracking the campaign in mid-2019, we have observed
multiple shifts in its tactics, many of which have been reported on
publicly elsewhere, including the use of artificially generated photos
for account profile pictures and the promotion of a wide variety of
narrative themes related to current events, including multiple
narratives related to the COVID-19 pandemic, narratives critical of
Chinese dissident Guo Wengui and his associates, and narratives
related to domestic U.S. political issues. However, other evolutions
in the network’s activity do not appear to have been reported widely,
and our aim with this blog post is to provide early warning of two
significant developments that we believe are important to monitor
despite the limited impact of the network so far:
Similar to previously reported activity that has spanned Facebook,
Twitter, and YouTube, we have observed coordination between suspected
accounts in the network across 30 social media platforms and over 40
other websites and online forums. These accounts have posted similar,
and in many cases identical messaging and engaged in the coordinated
sharing, commenting on, and liking of text, image, and video content.
For example:
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig1.png" alt="" />
Figure 1: Vimeo account (left) shares
identical video as TikTok account (right)
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig2.png" alt="" />
Figure 2: LiveJournal account (left)
linking to Twitter account (right); accounts use identical profile
photo and display name
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig3.png" alt="" />
Figure 3: Tumblr account (top) uses same
profile photo as LiveJournal account (bottom)
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig4.png" alt="" />
Figure 4: A forum post links to a Twitter
account in the network
We have observed extensive promotion of Russian, German, Spanish,
Korean, and Japanese-language content on U.S. and non-U.S.-based
platforms, in addition to the typical English and Chinese-language
activity that has been widely reported on. This represents a
significant development in our collective understanding of this
pro-PRC activity set. For example:
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig5.png" alt="" />
Figure 5: LiveJournal accounts promote
identical text in Russian claiming that "U.S. Ft. Detrick was
the source of COVID-19" and that "China is not the source
of the virus"
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig6.png" alt="" />
Figure 6: Inauthentic VKontakte accounts
(top) repost in Russian a post from what appears to be an authentic
English-language Twitter account (bottom)
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig7.png" alt="" />
Figure 7: LiveJournal accounts post
identical text in German claiming that COVID-19 may have appeared in
the U.S. before Jan. 19, 2020
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig8.png" alt="" />
Figure 8: Spanish-language Taringa
accounts post articles and text to cast doubt about the origin of COVID-19
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig9.png" alt="" />
Figure 9: LiveJournal accounts post
identical, grammatically incorrect messages in Russian implying that
American netizens believed they were infected with COVID-19 in late
2019 and early 2020
In April 2021, thousands of posts in languages including English,
Japanese, and Korean, images, and videos were posted across multiple
platforms by accounts we assess to be part of this broader activity
set that called on Asian Americans to protest racial injustices in the
U.S. (Figure 10). The accounts specifically called on Asian Americans
to protest on April 24 in New York City and “fight back” against the
purported “rumors” caused by Dr. Li-Meng Yan, Guo Wengui, and Steve
Bannon, and in some instances provided an address that they claimed
Guo lived at.
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig10.png" alt="" />
Figure 10: Twitter account calls for
physical protests in Japanese (left), Korean (middle), and English
(right) (Note: We have censored the address listed by the accounts)
Subsequently, we observed posts by accounts in the network portray
the advocated April 24 New York City protest as a success, claiming
that Asian Americans, other minority groups, and Caucasian protestors
attended (Figure 11). Other posts claimed that these protesters were
met by Guo Wengui’s “supporters”, who “violently assault[ed]” them. As
part of this claim of success, we observed a manipulated image in
which the face of Dr. Yan was superimposed onto a sign held by a
purported protestor and shared across nearly all the social media
platforms and forums that we have seen leveraged as part of this
broader activity set. We identified the image to be a manipulation of
a picture taken at a rally against racial discrimination that took
place in Jamestown, NY, on or around April 23, 2021 (Figure 12).
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig11.png" alt="" />
Figure 11: A Medium account (left) and an
Underlined account (right) post identical text claiming Asian
Americans protested racial violence in the U.S. The sign being held
in the picture on the left has been photoshopped
src="https://www.fireeye.com/content/dam/fireeye-www/blog/images/pro-prc-influence-campaign/fig12.png" alt="" />
Figure 12: Photoshopped image of Dr.
Yan's face on a sign (left), shared across nearly all platforms
(original photo on the right)
Despite these claims, we have not observed any evidence to suggest
that these calls were successful in mobilizing protestors on April 24.
However, it does provide early warning that the actors behind the
activity may be starting to explore, in however limited a fashion,
more direct means of influencing the domestic affairs of the U.S. We
believe it is important to call attention to such attempts and for
observers to continue to monitor for such attempts in future.
Our aim with this blog post is to provide early warning of two
significant developments that we believe are important to monitor for
despite the limited impact of this pro-PRC campaign thus far. First,
the activity is taking place not just on the big three social media
giants, but on at least 30 social media platforms and dozens of
additional websites and forums, and in languages including not just
English and Chinese, but also German, Russian, Spanish, Korean, and
Japanese. This suggests that the actors behind the campaign have
significantly expanded their online footprint and appear to be
attempting to establish a presence on as many platforms as possible to
reach a variety of global audiences. Second, the attempt to physically
mobilize protesters in the U.S. provides early warning that the actors
responsible may be starting to explore more direct means of influence
and may be indicative of an emerging intent to motivate real-world
activity outside of China’s territories.